ISSN: 1550-7521
ISSN: 1550-7521
Abhishek Yadav*
Research scholar, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Science, University of Delhi, 110007
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India and china are the two most populous and strategically important countries of the modern times. The relations between the two nuclear armed powered countries are consequential for people across the border, for the neighboring countries and for the world peace. The relations between two countries have been through different clouds over the period of time. The relations between the two can be traced from the ancient times when Buddhism flourished in China. From the ancient period to the claws of colonialism and from there to the modern times, the relations between the two countries have been through ups and down. The world has changed completely in terms of technology, innovation, economics, geography etc. and so the relations between the countries. From the kingdoms paying tributes in the courts of each other, to being stranger next door, the two countries have turned into foes from being close friends of each other. The relations between both the countries have been through a turbulent phase in the recent times. This article traces the development of relations between the two economic and military powerhouses and their course through the long period of time. As the world looks keenly and the strategic thinkers keep an eye on the relations between the two world powers, it becomes crucial to analytically understand the changing dynamics of relations between the countries. At a time when the tensions are again at a historic high after the 1962 war, this article attempts to understand the relations between the two neighbors along with the engagement of both the countries with other key players.
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Hegemony; Power; Global Power; Military; War
The Major Bone Of contention: The Land between the Two Giants
The concept of modern nation state in the international relations came to the stage after the West phalian treaty in 1648 which ended the 30 Years’ war in Europe. The modern state got a new definition after the treaty which included the four essential components, the population of the state, the sovereignty of the state, the government of the state and the last one which has been the reason mainly for so many wars and conflicts in the 18th and 19th and 20th century, the geography. The two ancient civilisations of the world, covering a vast geography with numerous mountains, seas, deserts and continent size expanse, are in quarrel because of piece of land which is about 4 percent of India’s land size and two percent of china’s gargantuan land area. In the realm of international relations and according to the view held by the neo-realists, the international system is viewed as completely anarchic and war is a possibility at any time. Generally the international conflict arises when one side seeks power and influence to achieve security through domination and hegemony. The conflict may also arise when both sides seeks to maximise their security and focus on extensive militarisation. The conflict between India and China must be understood through various aspects consisting of the different security dilemmas. The border between both the countries is divided between three sectors mainly. The India- China border extends from the Aksai-Chin in the Great Himalayas ,bordering the newly formed union territory of Ladakh in the western sector to the states of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand in the middle sector in the shiwalik region and from the middle sector it sprawls to the eastern sector where china lays its affirmation to all of the Arunachal Pradesh. Thus, India-China border stretches to 3488 km from the Upper Himalayas to the Himalayas in the North-East. The stretch mainly includes the border with union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh which covers about 1597km, with the Hilly states of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand which covers about the area of 200 and 345 km respectively and from the middle to the eastern sector where lies the border of the strategically important states of Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh which is about 220 and 1126 km respectively [1]. The surveillance and security of the border becomes comparatively easy for the security forces when the border between the two countries lies in the plains. In the case of India-China, the border in all the three sectors i.e. western, middle and eastern lies in hilly and very rough terrain at great heights where in some areas the security and vigilance is not even possible with the new modern techniques due to extreme rough weather conditions. In such harsh weather and rough terrain both the countries came to face off various times in which the year 1962 turned out to be the year of full-fledged war. The question of Tibetan autonomy on which Sardar Patel wrote the famous 7th November letter to very “optimistic” and “enthusiastic” J.L. Nehru about the India-China relations in which Sardar Patel warned Nehru about the Chinese intentions at the border and mentioned about the fragile north-east border and as well as about the vulnerable Himalayan states of Nepal, Sikkim Bhutan and even Burma. Sardar Patel also wrote about the two-front challenge, one from the side of Pakistan having troublesome relations on Kashmir, and the other from the “united” Chinese side. The apprehensions by Sardar Patel and other strategic thinkers just after few years of independence about china’s aggressive nature on the “land” between the two immediate neighbours came true and India faced a defeat in the 1962 war.
History Repeating Itself
As it is evident from the history that the economic rise of any power eventually leads to rise in its military power and it further leads to an intense security and military competition. In the 16th,17th and 18th century the era of industrial revolution in the Europe benefitted the European countries enormously and especially the Victorian England which further improved its naval and military powers which eventually helped the Britishers to colonise about 25 percent area of the earth till the 20th century. The United States and the USSR did the same after the Second World War and the world was on a melting pot of war for around 50 years. The disintegration of the Soviet Union led to the emergence of the unipolar world which gave unrestricted powers to America. The economic crisis of 2008 shifted the pivot to Asia and especially to the china which with its mighty economic growth started expanding its dominance in relations with its neighbours, in the ocean, in the world trade. This rapid ascent in china’s economic and military growth is no doubt one of the major and most influential geopolitical developments in the 21st century. The national awakening of china leaving behind the century of humiliation is one of the essential reasons behind china’s massive growth [2].The unprecedented pace at which Xi Jinping amassed power at home in the last few years is also worth mentioning here as Xi is on the way of becoming dictator for life after Mao. China’s journey towards becoming the world power also coincides with Xi Jinxing’s journey towards becoming the greatest leader of China after Mao. Xi’s ambitious infrastructural projects like One Belt One Road, Belt and Road Initiative stretching from East Asia to the Europe, significantly expanding China’s economic and political influence. China’s colossal infrastructure spending could usher in a new era of commerce and growth for Asian and global economies alike.
Though, Skeptics, on the other hand, fear that China is luring borrowing states into a debt trap. China’s activities in the South China Sea and in the Indian Ocean are the clear examples of the way china using its massive economic growth to expand its naval power and to irritate its neighbours in the ocean. The way China rejected the ruling of a international tribunal in The Hague on its dispute with Philippines over the spratly island shows how its economic clout helped it in becoming a strong international power [3]. The verdict, which designated significant portions of the sea to be neutral international waters or the exclusive economic zones of other countries, will not impair China's "territorial sovereignty and marine rights" in the seas, said Chinese President Xi Jinping. He reiterated China's commitment to "resolving conflicts" with its neighbours.
China’s dispute with India in Doklam in 2016 and in Galwan Valley recently ended the long detente and disturbed the peaceful relations between both the neighbours. It is still unclear and comes as a challenge for the policy makers and analysts that why China has adopted such a aggressive posture. There are various speculations and reasons behind China’s pugnacious attitude. India’s abrogation of article 370 and reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir including Amit Shah’s remarks on Aksai Chin that “Kashmir is an integral part of India, there is no doubt over it. When i talk about Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan occupied Kashmir and Aksai Chin is included in it. This country’s parliament cannot be stopped from making any law on Jammu and Kashmir”, India’s strategic partnership with Washington, India’s active participation in QUAD, these are some possible reasons for China’s stern attitude towards India.
Geopolitics in South Asia
The South Asian subcontinent consists of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives, Srilanka and India as the major force in the region. It is situated on the Indian Plate and projecting southwards into the Indian Ocean from the Himalayas. The south Asian region though considered as one of the poorest and backward regions of the world, has its own political, economic and diplomatic importance. India being the second most populous country in the world plays the crucial role in the region. China being the current neighbor of the South Asian countries like India, Pakistan, Bhutan, and Nepal has its own important stakes in the region."China will deepen relations with its neighbours in accordance with the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefits, and inclusiveness, as well as the policy of forging friendship and partnership with its neighbours," said Chinese President Xi Jinping in his 19th Party Congress speech in October 2017 [5]. Thus, being surrounded by two big economic and military powers, the small south Asian countries have increasingly come into direct influence and contact of both India and China. The power politics between the two giants changed the perspective of the world, of the analysts and obviously of each other towards these small South Asian countries.
Here, a quote of American political scientist Joseph Nye looks germane as he quoted that “The national interest is predetermined by geopolitics or the history of a Country” [6].
India and China both have become sentient towards these countries of the south Asian subcontinent and both the countries have come into direct contiguity vis-à- vis diplomatic, security, economic and also the cultural domains from last few years [7]. China’s colossal investment in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor certainly puts India in a position of awe and apprehension. The heavy Chinese investment in the CPEC certainly give some short time economic benefits to Pakistan but it is more of a tactical play by china camouflaged by the mirror of development and economic corridor. In the case of Afghanistan in a possible future government, China wants to see Afghan reconciliation, which includes Taliban integration. Beijing has stated that Afghanistan "should have broad representation and inclusion in order to make all factions and ethnic groups equally involved in the political life so that a cohesive political basis can be built." Over the years, China has maintained this approach. Beijing also wants Afghanistan to be a part of the BRI. Beijing aims to "steadily enhance practical cooperation in business and commerce through BRI" according to a readout of Xi's meeting with Afghan President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani in June 2019"China is eager to cooperate with Afghanistan to enhance joint building of the Belt and Road and advance bilateral cooperation in many fields in order to jointly benefit the two nations and peoples," Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in April. China also expects Afghanistan to help it in fighting terrorism in the Xinjiang province as Xi has promised to "continue to assist Afghanistan in strengthening its capabilities to combat terrorism and maintain stability." "The Afghan side should continue to strongly support China in its fight against the terrorist force of the East Turkistan Islamic Movement," Xi added.
China’s heavy investment in the Srilankan economy proves how badly the voracious desires of short term economic gains and the selfish decision making of the national political leadership puts a nation at the brink of going into a debt trap. The big amount of money from China contracted at high interest loans put the srilankan economy into a debt trap. It forced Colombo to handover the Hambantota port to China Merchant Port Holdings at lease for a period of 99 years. It clearly proves that the wrong decision making can put the national interest at harm which further leads to the exploitation. The handover of Hambantota port reminds me of the colonial times of the 99 year handover of Honkong to the Victorian England and the rest is history as we know today how the present generation suffers from the wrong decisions of the past.
Further, moving towards Maldives, the next island nation to srilanka which together holds very crucial sea lanes in the Indian Ocean. Adding to the anxieties of New Delhi both these countries have joined the ambitious Chinese Belt and Road Initiative project which India refused to join. Maldives has been a close strategic ally of India and has traditionally been in the Indian domain. The ascendancy of Abdulla Yameen in power in 2013 through the disputed election put India away from a crucial strategic ally in the ocean. Whether, its Free Trade Agreement with China or the 2015 constitutional amendment to allow foreigners to buy land in the archipelago, Abdulla Yameen and the Chinese left no stone unturned to woo the Indian leadership and policy makers.
India’s Himalayan neighbor Nepal also emerged as a big challenge for the policymakers in the recent years. Xi Jinping’s October visit to India last year was followed by a visit to Nepal which was the first visit by a Chinese head in the last 23 years to Nepal where Xi The two sides “will accelerate the building of the Trans-Himalayan Multi-Dimensional Connectivity Network through connectivity projects including ports, highways, railways, aviation, and communications, and have announced the launch of a feasibility study of the China-Nepal cross-border railway.” Beijing was further pleased to see Kathmandu acknowledge that “Tibet affairs are China’s internal affairs, and the determination of Nepal on not allowing any anti-China activities on its soil.” Nepal also accused India of enforcing an undeclared blockade as a result of Indian concerns about changes to Nepal's constitution, deadly ethnic conflict, and Nepal's growing engagement with China. China further exploited the anti-India sentiment with investments in projects like optical fibre cable, railway connectivity from Kathmandu to Lhasa.
Thus, we can conclude from the above discussion that china is not only focusing on the geopolitics of the south asian subcontinent, Beijing is very much interested in the geo-economics of the region.
The unprecedented scale of these investments in countries like Pakistan, Srilanka, Maldives are not just limited to the changing geopolitics of the
South Asian region but China through these colossal investments in comparatively weaker and smaller countries, is serving its own version of nationalism. Chinese objectives in South Asia go well beyond preserving friendly relations with neighboring countries. China, on the other hand, is displeased with the LAC with India and is working to ameliorate the situation. Beijing is also irritated by New Delhi's continued backing for the Dalai Lama and rejection of the Belt and Road Initiative. As a result, China is attempting to destabilise India by allying with arch rival Pakistan. India is acutely aware of these realities, and since Modi's election in 2014, it has worked to dissuade China while remaining friendly and productive with it—most notably through a series of informal leadership summits between Xi and Modi in Wuhan (2018) and Chennai (2019). As the recent border spat shows, Beijing does not just welcome New Delhi's cooperation and abandon assertiveness in the bilateral relationship. Instead, China redoubles its efforts, bringing India closer to the United States and other like-minded democracies like Australia and Japan—all four nations making up the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, the QUAD.
Dragon in the Ocean
Globally, the Indian Ocean Region has attained a very important and crucial place in the books of strategic analysts and policy makers due to its geo strategic importance. It has been a ground for power competition in the colonial times and it again regained its place in the modern times. This geopolitical theatre is very crucial for both India and China from the political, economic and security domains. This power competition also has notable strategic implications for the other non-regional powers like the United States. China with its massive economic growth started the new form of colonialism in the region with its policies of debt trap in recent times. India on the other hand focused on its soft power and provided help to the small island countries like Madagascar and Maldives during the times of flood and crisis. China’s infrastructure projects and naval bases in island countries like Srilanka and Djibouti give it a strategic advantage as from these island countries it can keep an eye on the movement of Indian naval forces and the movement of other forces. China’s strategic presence in the region has completely changed the dynamics of the relations between different powers. The Indian Ocean Region with the energy rich Persian Gulf comprises of plentiful minerals like nickel, uranium, cobalt etc.
The importance of the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean region can be easily understood from the fact that more than 80 percent of the world’s seaborne trade in oil transits through the Indian Ocean. The urge to get strategic advantage from the other powers in the region has ignited a new form of power rivalry between different countries. With the emergence of China and India as economic powerhouses and manufacturing hubs, the power dynamics got more interesting and tensed. The arrival of china in the region with the intentions to get a strategic advantageous position led to the formation of different power blocs vis-à-vis economic, political and security domains. China’s rising presence in the Indian Ocean, according to Darshana Baruah, is part of a concerted plan to "emerge as a prominent player in the IOR," which feeds into "China's greater ambition of becoming a global maritime power." The PLA Navy is becoming a formidable force to be reckoned with as its strength grows. China's strengthening maritime links with countries in the IOR, as well as its increased naval presence in the region, contribute to this. China’s growing footprint and aggressive posture in the Indian Ocean Region led India to change its perception about the region. Narendra Modi’s 2015 visit to three small but very significant Indian Ocean island states- Srilanka, Seychelles and Mauritius unveiled India’s evolving approach towards the region. “SAGAR seeks to diff India’s leadership from the modus operandi of other regionally active major powers and to reassure littoral states as India’s maritime influence grows” Modi in his speech in Seychelles in 2015 talked about SAGAR initiative which meant Security and Growth for all in the region. India’s SAGAR vision intended to be consultative, democratic and equitable challenges the Chinese model of dominating the smaller countries in the region. The resurgence of the QUAD group in the region consisting of the non-regional powers like United States, Japan, Australia co-operating with India has turned the dynamics wholly. China’s aggressive posture against the QUAD group which consists of world’s oldest and largest democracy clearly proves that China look at the QUAD as a threat to its dominance in the region. China hastily termed the QUAD grouping as the Asian-NATO which harms the peaceful relations between the powers in the region. The resurgence of QUAD grouping has somehow challenged the unparalleled Chinese rise and balanced the power symmetry.
China’s expansionist policies in the South China Sea reached a new level. China's broad claims to sovereignty over the sea—and its estimated 11 billion barrels of undeveloped oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of undiscovered natural gas—have enraged rival claimants Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam.
Countries began claiming islands and zones in the South China Sea as early as the 1970s, such as the Spratly Islands, which have abundant natural resources and fishing grounds. Satellite photography has revealed China's growing efforts to reclaim territory in the South China Sea by physically enlarging islands or building new islands entirely in recent years. China has built ports, military buildings, and airstrips, in addition to pouring sand onto existing reefs, particularly in the Parcel and Spratly Islands, where it has twenty and seven outposts, respectively. Woody Island has been militarized by China, which has deployed fighter jets, cruise missiles, and a radar system. The United States has its own set of interests in the region which are in danger due to Chinese expansion. The US has indicated support for a binding code of conduct and other confidence-building measures, as it has major interests in guaranteeing freedom of navigation and securing maritime lines of communication (SLOCs). China's claims jeopardise SLOCs, which are vital maritime passageways that permit trade and naval movement.
Also, a rising China, according to structural realists, will extend beyond its borders and pursue regional hegemony, potentially leading to war. China has grown, attempting to alter the regional status quo by asserting broad claims based on dubious historical grounds and intruding on the EEZs of four countries in violation of international law.
China's objectives in Northeast Asia have been thwarted by a resurgent Japan and Taiwan, backed by the US. China, on the other hand, has been able to advance against the weaker Southeast Asian countries where Washington has decided to protest against China based on international law rather than guaranteeing their marine security interests. As the weaker state, China has taken care not to involve the stronger status quo power, the United States, in these issues, which could lead to escalation and war India also have crucial and strategically important stakes in the region as roughly 55 percent of India's trade with the Indo-Pacific region travels through these water ways which proves the importance of the region for India. New Delhi's primary concern is the safety and security of the region's commercial routes, which will contribute to regional stability and freedom of passage. The economic development of India and the region is dependent on a stable maritime order with open sea routes. Because the Indo-Pacific is conceived as an unified maritime zone, it is hard for India or any other country to overlook Chinese actions in the South China Sea. This sea can no longer be ignored by Indian strategic thought. India has been working to establish a rules-based order in the region, especially through maintaining the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
The Thucydides Trap
The rise of Asia became inevitable in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis which shifted the pivot from the America and the Europe to the Asia. The 2008 financial crisis restored the balance which was tilted highly towards the Europe due to the industrial revolution and the colonial expansion in 18th century. The 2008 financial crisis not only led to the rise of Asia but it triggered the shift of the world towards the Chinese economy. It led to beginning of a new power rivalry between the current hegemon and an rising superpower. The Chinese venture to replace the United States hegemony in the economic and the strategic realms shepherd the new rivalry for the power. The power competition somehow took the world again to the times of cold war as the last time when the world witnessed something like this it was the time of cold war between USSR and United States. According to the Thucydides Trap which was popularized by Harvard political scientist Graham Allison, the risk of war will increase as a rising China overtakes a sinking America. Xi Jinping, the Chinese president, has embraced the idea, claiming that Washington must make place for Beijing. As tensions between the US and China rise, the assumption that a coming "power transition"— the replacement of one hegemon by another—is at the root of the conflict has become canonical. The Thucydides Trap explains about the deepening tensions and the worsening of the relations between two powers or other powers as one great power seek to replace the other. The anarchic race to be the hegemon and to be the superpower after replacing the current great power leads to the power competition and it further intensifies the competition between different powers in different domains. Beijing being the revanchist and super ambitious didn’t left a stone unturned to woo the United Sates in the recent years. The US-China relationship in the recent years moved from the cooperation to competition and the relations further worsened after Trump’s ascendancy to the power. The power rivalry got more intensified with the trade and technology wars on the board. Donald Trump’s America First and aggressive standpoint towards China led to the start of a new war on the economic front. The competition got more aggravated with each side putting tariffs on the products of the other side which further led to the start of the Trade War. From putting tariffs to ban on the Chinese company Huawei’s 5g rollout alleging that the Chinese government has stakes in the company and its employees work for the Chinese military and security agencies, the United States took the confrontation to a new level.
With the ongoing trade and tech war the Chinese side took a hard stance and it took a more aggressive posture in its diplomatic conduct and in the relations with the other countries. President xi Jinping declared in July 2021 that those who get in the way of China’s ascent will have their “heads bashed bloody against a Great Wall of steel.” Also, President Xi warned the US against interfering in intra-Chinese affairs, and cautioned that “whoever plays with fire will get burned”. President Biden, who had hastily promised to defend Taiwan against any Beijing aggression in the past, meanwhile, warned China against the repercussions of altering the status of Taiwan by force, which in my view are more likely to be economic than military – but no less disruptive. With such hard hitting statements the world in the recent years has seen the shift in Chinese Diplomacy and its conduct of relations with other nations. “Speak softly and carry a big stick: you will go far” U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt believed half a century earlier, the Chinese completely chose the opposite stance in the conduct of diplomacy. The Chinese diplomacy and conduct took a drastic change from the times of Deng Xiaoping’s of “keeping a low profile” to the rule of Xi Jinping. It further came to be called as the Wolf Warrior Diplomacy where the Chinese officials expressed themselves aggressively and more often with negative ramifications in the conduct of bilateral relations with other powers. The Covid-19 came as a challenge to CPC led China when the world turned against the China and the United States pugnaciously attacked China for the emergence of the Covid-19.
China from here reacted in an absolute “lone wolf” way and in Sun Tzu’s words it appears “the highest form of warfare is to attack the strategy itself, the next to attack the alliances”. China replied to the United States with much aggression and it appeared that aggression is the only nostrum for the Chinese.
China and the World
On his 100th day of office, US President Joe Biden told his audience, “We’re in a competition with China and other countries to win the 21st century. Are any other nations in the race”?
The Chinese venture to go like lone wolf in the international arena and to attack every other power with as much aggression as it can led to the formation of power blocs in recent times. India’s improved relationship with Washington in recent times is one of the worry some point for the Chinese. China’s aggressive nature on the Indian borders must be looked through this prism where New Delhi and Washington appear together in alliance in this anarchic system against China. Also, China’s reaction to the rejuvenation of QUAD group shows how the alliances in the Chinese neighborhood add anxieties to it. In such times when China’s relations with Washington and New Delhi are at a historical low, China’s relations with Russia have seen a Thaw in the recent times. Though, Russian economy is struggling and lacks behind USA and India, it’s better to have a old foe as a friend by your side in the international relations. Also, China clearly understands that Pakistan being a debt ridden country is capable of being used as a pawn against India in this big power game and thus China is using Pakistan for proxy wars and infiltration of terrorists in Kashmir against India.
Also, recently to contain China’s influence in the Indo-Pacific, the United States has joined forces with the United Kingdom and Australia to build a new anti-China alliance. We can say that the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia have formed a new "Anglo" military alliance. In response The agreement has been condemned as"very irresponsible" by China. It "seriously affects regional peace and security" and "intensifies the weapons race," said Zhao Lijian, a spokesman for the Chinese foreign ministry. The countries are accused of having a "Cold War attitude and ideological prejudice," according to China's embassy in Washington. Without mentioning China, US President Joe Biden said in a press conference that the US and Britain would share intelligence and advanced technologies with Australia in areas such as artificial intelligence, cyber-warfare, quantum computing, and nuclear submarine construction "in order to deal with rapidly evolving threats." China following expansionist policies in the Indo- Pacific in recent times is now facing challenges in form of the new alliances in the region. Firstly the QUAD grouping and the recent formation of the AUKUS grouping has raised raised China’s worries as these grouping appears as the obstacles to China’s ambitions of becoming a great power and hegemon of the world. China’s confrontation with India, worsening relations with Australia and United States clearly shows that how these alliances in the region are adding to the anxieties of the Chinese policymakers. Also, the voices from inside and outside are strong in recent years as in April 2020, the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, a government-affiliated research tank linked to China's main intelligence agency, issued a dire warning to the Chinese leadership in an internal study. According to Reuters reporting, "Global anti-China sentiment is at an all-time high since the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown." China's leadership may be unaware of its own involvement in inciting such worldwide retaliation. Influential Chinese academics have questioned the negative international atmosphere, arguing that China's response to the coronavirus should have earned it praise rather than condemnation. Despite the vocal criticism of Beijing, the Chinese leadership and its diplomats are still looking immune to all the criticism. The use of the non-contention approach in political affairs can be seen in President Xi's remark in summer 2021 that China will move from its controversial wolf warrior diplomacy to instead "make friends, unite, and win over the majority." In his speech to the United Nations General Assembly in September, President Xi reinforced this topic, saying that disputes between countries are unavoidable and "ought to be managed via conversation and cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual respect." One country's success does not have to imply the failure of another, and the world is large enough to accommodate all countries' joint development and advancement."
As we welcome 2022, the world around us is changing and evolving at such a unprecedented scale which is quite difficult to apprehend. As the new relationships and paradigms are evolving, the world ceased to look what it looked a decade before. The rise of Asia along with the rise of India and China is shaping the new world and the new relations between the different powers. As the world battles, another Covid-19 variant “Omricon”, the year 2022 comes with some more emerging geopolitical and geo economic challenges which will be consequential in shaping the coming years and the coming world. The bonhomie with which the world welcomed the Globalization few decades back, is now dying as the key global actors and powers attempt to reset their relations in the realms of trade and technology. The trade war further escalated the delocalization approach with which the key global powers are securing their own national interests.
In the concluding analysis vis-à-vis Indo-China relations we know that the two neighbours with world’s largest population were on each other’s borders few months back. The mutual awareness, understanding, and trust are all lacking in India- China ties. As a result, India's Chinese policy has been characterized as sluggish, despite the fact that it has mostly succeeded in preserving peace and tranquilly between the two countries. As a result, it looks like India and China is competing as they gradually become more aware of each other's existence and profile. This fact will only become more evident and clear as human civilization progresses into the future. The coming year comes as a new challenge for both the neighbours and especially for New Delhi as it fights to protect its territory from a revanchist and expansionist power with a strong economy and military behind it. Indian foreign policy makers need to respond these emerging and evolving challenging by an approach which along with protection of its territory also looks at understanding and accepting the emerging alliances across the globe.
As the friends of last decades turning into the foes, India need to rejuvenate its foreign policy in a direction which must protect the national interest from the events happening near its border, in the Indian Ocean and in far distant meetings of the multilateral forums. As the Indo-Pacific emerge as the most challenging and consequential geopolitical theatre, India needs to focus on strengthening its maritime power along with keeping a close eye on Chinese naval expansion and emerging alliances and relations between the key global actors. Xi Jinping already moved much ahead of its predecessors in carving a ambitious and expansionist approach for resurgence of China through the nationalist awakening, India carefully needs to align itself with the other powers such as United States with an approach which must secure its national interest rather than just being an ally for an superpower.
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